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FREE ESSAY ON WOMEN IN WWII

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Canadian Women and WWII
Examines the impact of WWII on women in Canada from 1939-1950. -- 1,650 words;

The Social Impact of WWII on Women
A look at how WWII brought about many changes in the roles women played in Canadian society. -- 2,925 words;

WWII and Women's Work
This paper examines the impact of World War II on the U.S. economy, with special emphasis on women in the workplace: Women's work roles, status, income and equality. -- 2,475 words;

Effects of WWII on Women and African-Americans
This paper shows how World War II affected women and African-Americans. -- 1,465 words;

Japanese Women in Society and Culture
Analyzes the role of women in post WWII Japanese society. -- 1,683 words; APA

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WOMEN IN WWII

World War II marked a retreat from the existing notions of women's capabilities and proper
roles. With the men gone at war, women had to take over the work force. Government
propaganda encouraged women to do their patriotic duty by leaving their homes and
entering the workplace. At the wartime peak in July 1944, 19 million women were employed.
This was an increase of 47% over the level in March of 1940. For the first time, married
women outnumbered single women in the work force. Women over thirty-five made up 60% of
the increase in the labor force. Girls between 14 and 19 added another 17.3% to the total
(Anderson 4). Women took over the common jobs of building ships and planes, becoming
lumberjacks, train conductors, steelworkers, and drill press operators (Rappaport 224).
Patriotism was only one of the many motivations for women to sign up for work. Economic
necessity, the excitement and challenge of work, the need to cope with the loneliness and
anxiety caused by having their husbands and sons overseas, a disaffection from housework,
a desire for more social independence, the sense of purpose accompanying productive work,
and other such personal considerations complemented the desire to help in the war effort.
Seattle City bus driver, Josephine Bucklin said, ' We do feel we're doing something
concrete for the war effort. Besides, it's thrilling work, and exciting, and something
women have never been allowed to do before'(Anderson 26-28).
Not only did the war bring large numbers of newcomers to the labor force, it also
provided a wonderful opportunity for upward mobility for millions of women who had
previous work experience. The wartime system of labor priorities enabled women to escape
the low-paying female - dominated fields of domestic and personal service. Women could
now obtain jobs in the burgeoning war industries or in the government. Between 1940 and
1944, the number of women employed in manufacturing increased 141 percent, while those in
domestic service declined by 20 percent (de Pauw 144). Wartime imperatives were therefore
undermining the sex - segregated labor market and the ideas that preserved it. This got
rid of a long impediment to economic advancement for women. Some long - standing
iniquities were also disappearing. In 1942 the National War Labor Board established an
equal pay principle when it decided that same rates should be paid to women when the work
they did was the same as the work done by men. Union contracts containing inequitable pay
were allowed to remain in force. Pay scales for jobs traditionally performed by women
were presumed to be acceptable and pay differentials were allowed in some cases. Despite
these loopholes, some firms did pay women equally, and the differences between men and
women's average earnings slightly narrowed during the war years. This was primarily
because of the increased demand for women in the workplace (5-6). 
Much prejudice existed in the workplace against women, though. Many employers persisted
in discriminatory practices, even in the face of unmet labor requirements. Many still
refused to hire women. The belief that men should be the primary breadwinners in the
family was especially significant in limiting women's job opportunities as long as
unemployed men were still available to fill labor needs. In January 1942, the Seattle
Times editorialized against any immediate hiring of women, because 'it is fairly obvious
that the chance of a man to get a job may be delayed if a woman gets it first.' A letter
to the Seattle Star supported this position, adding, ' I don't want my wife to take a
man's job as long as I am still able to work for our living.' Another letter said, ' I
never let my wife work, and I know she is a far sweeter woman than many women who have
been coarsened by having to get out in the business world. I say, let's keep the women
out of the industry and out of the war.' Hampered by these conventional attitudes, women
found their competitive disadvantages in the labor market further increased because most
of the job openings were in employment classifications traditionally reserved to men
(23-25).
The critical labor shortage created by the war did not mean all discriminatory barriers
had been broken down. Discrimination against black women proved to be one of the most
unyielding. Even employers who were willing to hire black men and white women refused to
change their practices to include black women. Employment officials continued to refer
black women for service jobs. Many war plants which refused to hire them, employed them
for only limited kinds of work, and/or segregated them on the job. Employers believed and
feared that the entrance of blacks would provoke resistance on the part of white workers.
Despite the persistence of discrimination, urban work opportunities improved considerably
during the war years for blacks (Rooke 33-35).
Problems had arisen from the vastly growing numbers of females in the work force. Many
people had problems with the idea of working mothers. Public resistance to the idea of
working mothers held down the labor force participation rate of women from age 25 to age
34. Paul Mcnutt stated, 'no women responsible for the care of young children should be
encouraged or compelled to seek employment which deprives their children of essential
care until all other sources of supply are exhausted.' Even in major war production
areas, where labor shortage was most severe and the increases of female employment was
even greater than the national average, the number of working mothers was surprisingly
low (Anderson 3-4). The drastic increase in the number of women in the work force,
especially those with family responsibilities, focused national attention on the special
problems faced by women workers ( de Pauw122).
This prompted some public programs designed to assist them. The most important and
controversial of these was the federally subsidized child care system which began under
the provisions of the Lanham Act. Although at its peak the program cared for 130,000
children in 3,000 centers, it did not begin to meet the need created by the vast
employment of mothers. If the child care system was inadequate, other programs to provide
community services to women workers were nonexistent for practical reasons. Eleanor
Straub had said, the federal government never created a policy to deal with the
mobilization of large numbers of women, relying instead on a mosaic of experiments, make
- shifts, and temporary expedients (Anderson 6-7). The changes in women's roles created a
considerable amount of anxiety about the stability and durability of the family. Working
mothers were blamed for a rising divorce rate, child neglect, an increasing rate of
juvenile delinquency, and many more problems that were brought along with their newly
acquired independence (Norton 224-225). The failure of the federal government to deal
with its implications of the increased employment of women reflected its perception of
the war as a temporary, emergency situation from which significant changes were neither
expected nor wanted. Many of the changes created by the war became permanent fixtures
once the nation had readjusted to peacetime living, though (Degler 420).
Another problem with the war was the unbalanced ratio of women to men. Men became a
scarce and valued commodity for many young women. The growing popularity of going steady
among teenagers, the rise in teenage marriages, and the revisions of standards of sexual
conduct among younger women were all cultural expressions of this wartime phenomenon. In
a marriage - oriented but male - scarce society, getting and retaining male attention and
approval became an even greater preoccupation for many girls and women than it had been
before the war. The desperation of many women to find a man was displayed in their
outrageous attempts. For example, Seattle served as a servicemen's center. Because the
large number of military personnel in the area offered a solution to the male shortage in
the resident population, the area became a magnet for young girls seeking relationships.
They were often runaways who had arrived penniless. Marriage thus remained an important
focus for women's aspirations during the war years, despite the demographic and labor
force changes that were occurring (Coles28-22).
The long - awaited American victory was finally accomplished in August 1945. People took
to the streets in celebration, but the stresses of returning to peacetime living hampered
their joys. The imperatives of wartime had created vast changes in American Society. With
the dismantling of the war machine came the very real possibility of limited job
opportunities and a substantial decline in the standard of living for many Americans. The
postwar period was especially important for women, who had experienced vast changes in
their daily lives as a consequence of the war. The position of women in the postwar
economy was further undermined by the widespread belief that working women would quietly
and willingly withdraw from the labor force to make way for male job seekers. Irene
Murphy, Secretary of the Detroit Day Care Committee, said 'Americans continue to cling to
the fantasy that women can always be dispossessed of their jobs - that they don't need to
work' Some women had planned to quit the work force once the war was over, and had only
worked for patriotic reasons. A survey by the Women's Bureau revealed, though, that 75
percent of the women employed in 1944-1945 planned to continue working (Anderson
159-164).
Despite the temporary gains of the war years, women's status within the labor force was
not much better than it had been before the war. Employers reestablished prewar
employment barriers. Returning veterans, who had risked their lives for their country,
felt entitled to once more be employed at their old jobs. Trade unions agreed. Women were
fired or demoted to poorer - paying jobs that were simpler and required little skill.
Women were forced to move back to their previous jobs of nursing, office work, teaching,
and social work (Rappaport 230). Women who voluntarily left their jobs in the postwar
period received approbation from the press because they had made more room for males
(Anderson 172).
In conclusion, the greater emphasis on family life in the postwar era could also be
considered a part of the legacy of the war experience. The disruptions of family life
during the war, including the deferral of marriage, and childbearing, had caused family
life to be more highly valued. Despite the changes brought by war, conventional attitudes
regarding the role of women within the family retained their appeal. The gap between
normal expectations and actual behavior had considerably widened during the years of the
war. In the words of Simone de Beauvoir, the women of postwar America were, 'torn between
the past and the future' (178).
Bibliography
Bibliography
Anderson, Karen. Wartime Women. Greenwood Press, Boston. 1981.
Rappaport, Doreen. American Women Their Lives in Their Own Words. HarperCollins 
Publishers. 1990.
De Pauw, Linda. Founding Mothers. Houghton Mifflin, New York. 1993.
Rooke, Patrick. Women's Rights. Wayland, London. 1989.
Coles, Robert. Women of Crisis II. Delacorte Press, New York. 1994.

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