FREE ESSAY ON THE CONFLICT OF WOMEN IN 20TH CENTURY INDIA

THE CONFLICT OF WOMEN IN 20TH CENTURY INDIA

The Conflict of Women in 20th Century India
Throughout recorded history, women all over the world have been held to a different
standard than men. They have consistently been oppressed in nearly all aspects of life,
from political to personal. In the 20th century though, great strides have been taken to
end this oppression and level the playing field. However, in India, a number of deeply
rooted traditions have made this effort all the more difficult, and as a result, women's
triumphs over oppression in India are all the more intriguing. To understand the position
Women found themselves in at the dawn of the 20th century, one must have a general
understanding of their numerous historical conflicts unique to the Subcontinent. It took
the overwhelming success of Gandhi's nonviolent revolution to create the an atmosphere
whereby women, empowered by the times, could take a stand for their equality. 
The 1970's saw the beginning of a highly organized modern women's movement in India. One
of the main focuses of the movement was violence. Harassment, wife-beating, rape, and
dowry deaths were all too common, and police enforcement was ineffective as were most
attempts at prosecution. Commonly called atrocities against women, these acts were very
common. Why then, if these events were so common, was there so much apathy towards them
on the part of the courts and the police? To understand this one must look back upon a
history marked by religiously and culturally accepted forms of oppression such as female
infanticide, polygamy, purdah and sati.
Purdah, still practiced today in many Moslem societies, is the act of covering a women in
cloth to protect them from the gaze of non-family males, in order to maintain their
purity. This practice became common in India in the days of the sultanate. From a
traditional western perspective this is a very repressive requirement. Gandhi took a
particular pleasure in bringing women out of purdah.
Sati is another story. Early British rule in India was careful to stay out of the
traditions and private lives of the natives. They ruled indirectly, typically demanding
monetary tribute from local leaders in exchange for allowing them to rule as they
pleased. This philosophy changed dramatically under the governor-generalship of Lord
William Cavendish Bentinck which began in 1828. He began a much more interventionist
policy that included the an increase in transportation facilities, industrialized cloth
production (which displaced the ancient commercial structure) and he abolished the
ancient tradition of sati (female infanticide was also outlawed by the British). The last
of which caused a great rift in India's intellectuals and businessmen. Sati is an ancient
Hindu tradition whereby a widow is burned in the cremation fire of her departed husband.
This practice was abhorred by British missionaries and businessmen. However, to many of
India's intellectuals it was an act of bravery and dedication on the part of the widow,
to be admired. This is evidenced by the first petition against the intervention, which
stated, Hindoo widows perform (sati), of their own accord and pleasure, and for the
benefit of their Husbands' souls and for their own, the sacrifice of self-immolation
called Suttee (another spelling of sati)- which is not merely a sacred duty but a high
priviledge(Stein, p. 222). 
For those who did not take part in this practice, the life of a Hindu widow was a very
restricted one. A census conducted in 1881 showed that one-fifth of all women were
widows, so these restrictions were very important. The Dharmashashra of Manu (a Hindu
text) talks about how a Brahmin widow should act stating, ... but she may never mention
the name of another man after her husband has died.(Stein, p.94) As child brides were
common in the Subcontinent, one often saw young widows unable by traditional law to
remarry and make an attempt at a new life. Furthermore, they rarely had the education to
support themselves. 
Education was historically bestowed solely upon the males. In the 19th century only the
wealthiest of families sought after any sort of formal education for their female
children, and there was no movement in the government to change this. A survey of Madras
found over 5000 girls enrolled in Indian language schools, as against 179,000 boys(Stein
p.268). This lack of concern for the formal education of women exemplifies how their
place in society was viewed.
The treatment of high cast women was one of the first forms of oppression attacked by
advocates of women's rights. In the 1860's action was taken by avid social reformer
Madhav Govinda Ranade, who founded the Widow Re-marriage Association and the Deccan
Education Society (which sought to increase young women's educational facilities).
Although Ranade challenged some of traditions that prevented the liberation of women, he
was seen by many as a hypocrite, himself taking on a child bride after the death of his
wife. Soon however women would take the reins in the battle for their own independence.
A woman by the name of Ramabia is considered, the first Indian Feminist to address other
women directly about emancipation (Stein, p.275). She, like Ranade, was a member of the
Brahman caste. She would go on to travel and study in England and later in America, where
she wrote about the mistreatment of women in India. A converted Christian upon her return
to India, Ramabia opened schools for high cast women. This effort, in conjunction with
various projects Ramabia worked on for women, was far ahead of its time and it would take
nearly a century before women would tightly bind together to formally resist oppression.

Early in the 20th century women were forbidden to protest their condition or even to
congregate to discuss the matter. This was a right even the lowest cast, the
untouchables, was bestowed. It was a common belief at the time, that free women would
inevitably come to neglect their marital responsibilities. The Indian National Congress,
led by Gandhi, was one of the first political organizations to actively include woman,
even women formally in Purdah. 
Although these women mobilized formally in the name of nationalism, it was this extensive
political activity that would become a catalyst for future self conscious feminism (a
school of thought that was looked upon with great caution and fear). In 1917 the congress
demanded that women be able to vote on the same basis as men, but these efforts to were
for the progress of nationalism rather than exclusively for the improvement of women's
rights. 
The eventual partition and independence of India was seen as a tremendous success for
passive resistance and the Gandhian way. In the decades to come a number of political
movements would emerge that would utilize various forms of civil disobedience as their
main form of protest. There was intense and organized women's participation in these
movements, as a result of their participation in the independence movement there was a
clear precedent for this.
In the 1960's India saw the effects of dramatically improved agricultural techniques
resulting from the new technology of the 'Green Revolution'. However, these benefits did
not come without a cost. Although food was more plentiful, farmers not wealthy enough to
keep up with the technology got left in the dust. As a result women toiling on the land
found themselves worse off than ever before. There were also severe environmental
implications of the sudden and extensive use of technology. 
In response a number of movements emerged. Within these movements (such as the Marxist,
the Farmers, and the Environmental movements) unified groups of women emerged and took on
unprecedented responsibility. They actively and enthusiastically sought after
redistribution of land and wages. The first group to cross over and actively seek out
women's liberation was an organization of new Marxists called Magowa. 
Starting in Maharashtra, which would become the center for liberation activity, they
wrote their second publication on the, varied facets of women's oppression in
India(Omvedt p. 76). The population base of this movement was the rural and the toiling.
This was important because the women of this group were already organized, although not
all of these organizations with this base turned their focus toward feminist causes. 
1974 was a pivotal year for the movement. Not only did it see the founding of POW (the
Progressive Organization of Women), but it was the year that the official Status of Women
Commission published their report, Towards Equality, on women's low and ever decreasing
status in Indian society. This paper would add much fuel to the impending fire and
validate it to the mainstream population. 
There were large conferences in Pune and Trivandrum in 1975 on women's issues further
bringing the movement into the mainstream. Many autonomous groups popped up with
different agendas and issues. Some of the common issues included; the division of
housework, party politics, rape, and dowry deaths. The issues of violence, popularly
called atrocities against women became the centerpiece of the movement in the early
eighties and the cause for its expansion. A forum against rape in Bombay led to the
creation of the Forum Against Atrocities on Women, or the FAOW. 
All over the country these feminist groups were emerging. There constituencies came to
included women from all walks of life. From an unanswerable and most often unaddressed
problem in the 1800's to a hotly contested issue on the cutting edge of politics in
modern times, the conflict over women's rights in India has come full circle in one
century. Although feminist sentiments existed throughout, it took active female inclusion
in the political world to bring their voices together and have them heard. The activities
leading up to the 1947 split foreshadowed the influence women could have on politics when
working together, and paved the was for the official women's movement that began in the
1970's. Unfortunately, even at the end of the eighties atrocities against women were
still occurring and they continue to occur today, but the change in attitude over the
last century surely gives promise that someday there could truly be equality.
Bibliography:
Bose, Sugata and Jalal, Ayesha. Modern South Asia, London, Routledge, 1997.
Omvedt, Gail. Reinventing Revolution.
Stein, Burton. A History of India, Malden, Blackwell Publishers, 1998.
Bibliography
Bibliography:
Bose, Sugata and Jalal, Ayesha. Modern South Asia, London, Routledge, 1997.
Omvedt, Gail. Reinventing Revolution.
Stein, Burton. A History of India, Malden, Blackwell Publishers, 1998.